Coins of the Roman Civil Wars

The "Civil Wars" is the term usually given to the series of civil wars which raged from the rebellion of Gaius Julius Vindex in Gaul in March of 68 until the restoration of peace under Vespasian very early in 70. Of course Roman history is almost a continuous series of civil wars, but the only struggles which produced an anonymous series of coins, all denarii except for a few known aurei, were the struggles from 68 until 70. The coins generally have inscriptions alluding to "Good Fortune", Rome, Liberty, the Senate, Mars, the Roman People, Peace, Harmony, or Jupiter. One remarkable series revived types of Augustus and Divus Augustus types in a wish for the return of the original style of "principate", where the emperor was merely a "first among equals" rather than an autocrat. The coins, mostly very rare, were issued in the provinces of Spain, Gaul, Germany, and Africa. The main imperial mint at Rome was always in the hands of the reigning emperor and therefore never issued any anonymous types. The story of those civil wars follows:

In March of 68 Nero received word that Gaius Julius Vindex, the Governor of Gallia Lugdunensis, had rebelled. Vindex had invited the other governors to join him, and all except Sulpicius Galba (see GALBA) in Hispania Tarraconensis had dutifully forwarded their letters to Nero. Galba had simply ignored the invitation, for which reason Nero ordered his execution. Galba intercepted the order and on April 3 declared himself legate of the Senate and the Roman People in allegiance with Vindex. Additionally the Governor of Lusitania, Marcus Salvius Otho (see OTHO), had thrown in his lot with Galba. Otho had been married to Poppaea Sabina (see POPPAEA) but he was given the Governorship of Lusitania by Nero in order to get him out of Rome. Nero soon married Poppaea, but she died in 65 as a result of a kick by Nero during an argument. Otho may have knowingly used his wife's beauty to gain his governorship, but he subsequently privately disliked Nero. Nero reacted by assuming the consulship, declaring Galba a public enemy, and blockading northern Italy with loyal troops. April also brought the revolt of Lucius Clodius Macer (see CLODIUS MACER) in the province of Africa, although he refused to support Galba or Vindex. He may have believed that he could disrupt the vital African food supply to Rome and thus hold the trump card. He was able to maintain himself in Carthage until after Nero's fall, when he was finally reduced by forces loyal to Galba.

May brought some relief to Nero when the forces under Verginius Rufus, the Governor of Germania Superior defeated Vindex at Vesontio (Doubs, France), after which Vindex committed suicide. Unfortunately for Nero the victorious troops offered the throne to Verginius Rufus, but he refused, saying the choice should be made by the Senate and the Roman People. With Spain and Africa in open rebellion and Gaul undecided, Nero's chief supporters began to waver. Nero's seriously ill advisor Tigellinus entered negotiations with Galba, and Nero's Praetorian Commander, Nymphidius Sabinus, decided to throw in his lot with the rebels. Nero planned to flee from Rome, possibly to Alexandria, and Nymphidius used the occasion of Nero's move from the Palatium to the Servilian Gardens to announce to the Praetorian Guard on June 8 that Nero had fled. After Nymphidius promised that Galba would pay each man 30,000 sestertii the Guard declared for Galba and of course the Senate soon followed, reversing its earlier proclamation and now declaring Nero a public enemy.

Nero then fled the city to the villa four miles outside of Rome of his freedman Phaon. As he heard the approaching horses of the Praetorian Guardsmen on June 9, he committed suicide. Galba meanwhile had raised an additional legion (VII Gemina) to supplement the one already at his command, and had instituted a senate of Spanish nobles to act on behalf of the Roman Senate. With one legion the seventy-one-year-old Galba began a march to Rome, foregoing his cloak for the dress of a soldier. The atmosphere in the Roman world was one of joyous anticipation now that the capricious Nero was dead and a man intending to respect senatorial authority was to replace him.

Galba had begun his land journey to Rome, accompanied by his newly-raised legion and Otho. A delegation from the Senate and the Praetorians met him at Narbo (Narbonne, France) in early July.

Unfortunately Galba's popularity was short-lived because of his harsh and repressive manner of dealing with any opposition, and because of his inherent thriftiness. He severely punished cities that had been tardy in declaring for him, especially in Gaul and Spain (in the case of some Spanish towns razing walls, increasing taxes, and executing prominent citizens). When Galba was about three miles from Rome he was met by a body of rowers from the fleet whom Nero had been forming into a legion, and they requested that he honor Nero's plan. He not only refused, but when they persisted in pressing for their eagle, he had his calvary ride them down and then decimated the survivors.

Nymphidius had been acting as regent during Galba's absence, and as Galba approached he began plotting to keep himself on the throne. He finally walked into the Praetorian Camp armed with a speech he intended to give to bring the Praetorians to his side, but they had been forewarned and he was murdered upon arrival. Upon Galba's arrival in Rome prominent men began to be summarily executed for their parts, real or imagined, in the plot, and Romans who had hoped for a return to rule by law turned against Galba.

Galba tried to reclaim the enormous gifts from the public treasury which Nero had bestowed upon his favorites, but often they were already completely spent. He made the enormous mistake of pursuing the refunds even unto the third or fourth level removed from the original beneficiary (in other words, anyone who had legitimately supplied anything to one of Nero's favorites, or had sold something to one of the suppliers, etc.).

Galba became under the influence of three advisors: Titus Vinius, a general of his in Spain whom he shared the consulship, Cornelius Laco, the newly appointed Praetorian Praefect, and Icelus, Galba's own freedman. Together they infuriated the populace by refusing to punish the one man in Rome that most people wanted punished, Nero's chief advisor Tigellinus.

Galba angered the Praetorian Guard by refusing to pay the donative which had been promised them in his name, commenting that he was accustomed to choosing soldiers, not buying them. He also continued to execute or discharge those whom he suspected of any loyalty to Nymphidius. He angered the legions in Germania Superior by recalling their commander Verginius Rufus, without honoring him, and angered the legions of Germania Inferior by sanctioning the execution of their commander Fonteius Capito. Upon his arrival he had disbanded the loyal German Imperial bodyguard. His death sentence against Clodius Macer, whom many still believed harbored republican sentiments, angered yet another segment of the population.

In short, before the end of the year 68, Galba had managed to alienate the provinces, the legions in the provinces, the Praetorian Guard, the navy, and virtually all segments of the Roman civilian population!!

It was probably in November that Galba filled the vacancies he had created in Germany by appointing Hordeonius Flaccus to the Governship of Germania Superior, and Aulus Vitellius (see VITELLIUS) to the Governship of Germania Inferior. On January 1, 69, the legions were required to renew their oaths to the Augustus, but the IV and XXII Legions at Moguntiacum (Mainz,Germany) in Germania Superior refused to do so, instead swearing allegiance to the Senate and the Roman People. Riders set out on January 2 for Colonia Agrippinensis (Cologne, Germany) in Germania Inferior. By January 3, all seven of the Rhine legions had not only cast off the authority of Galba, but had been persuaded to declare as the new Augustus Vitellius, whose father had been three times consul and a censor.

Meanwhile in Rome a successor for the seventy-two-year-old Galba, who had no living heirs, was being privately debated. The unrest in Germany was reported by a courier from Pompeius Propinquus, the Governor of Gallia Belgica, but the initial reports did not contain word about the elevation of Vitellius. Galba and his advisors thought that if he named a young and vigorous heir the legions would be appeased. Galba, Laco, and Vinius deliberated briefly and made a doubly disastrous choice, Lucius Calpurnius Piso Licinianus, even though Vinius was strongly pushing Otho. The choice was doubly disastrous because: 1) even though Piso Licinianus was serious-minded and of noble birth, he simply was not popular and was virtually unknown to the legions, and 2) Otho, greatly disappointed, began to plot Galba's downfall. The hindsight of history suggests that better choices would have been either Otho or Verginius Rufus, the popular former commander of some of the Rhine legions. In any event Galba took Piso Licinianus to the Praetorian Camp on January 10, 69, and proclaimed him as his heir (with no mention of any donative upon the occasion!), then moved to the Senate and did the same. Piso Licinianus was renamed Servius Sulpicius Galba Caesar. Otho was in attendence at the Senate and was reported to have shown visible signs of bitterness and anger.

The dispatches which arrived in Rome on January 11 or 12 reported the news that the Rhine legions allegiance to the Senate and the People had been short-lived, and that now their allegiance was to Vitellius. The Praetorians were unhappy that the Rhine legions had acted without their consultation, and as a consequence supported neither Galba nor Vitellius. Otho determined to fill the void, and in a matter of a couple of days put together a plot which was executed on January 15. Through a freedman named Onomastus about fifteen Praetorians were bribed to spread rumors that more Praetorians were being watched as partisans of Nymphidius, and hence the Praetorians were ripe for revolt when Otho excused himself from Galba's company during a morning sacrifice at the Temple of Apollo and was taken to their camp. The entire camp was soon won over, and word reached Galba of what was happening. He sent messengers to all of the non-Praetorian units in town, but they all refused help except for a German contingent, which, being unfamiliar with the area, got lost on the way and arrived too late to be of any use. He and his advisors debated whether to stay in the palace and let events unfold, or take to the streets to try to rally support. Their discussion was cut short by a rumor that Otho, like Nymphidius before him, had been slain in the camp.

Piso Licinianus had made a rousing speech to the cohort of Praetorians who were on duty at the palace, and ended by promising them their long-awaited donative. They received him with cheers and the Imperial party set out into the streets under their guard. Piso Licinianus had gone on ahead to the Praetorian camp, where he quickly learned the error of the report of Otho's death and turned about to warn Galba, who had just entered the Forum. Scarcely had he arrived when the tumult behind him announced the arrival of the rebel Praetorians. At their sight, the "loyal" cohort deserted Galba and his litter was dropped, with the rediculous sight of the Emperor rolling helplessly on the ground near the Lacus Curtius. He was instantly torn to pieces by the troops. Titius Vinius was fatally speared as he tried to run from the Forum. A brave and loyal Praetorian centurion won the wounded Piso Licinianus enough time to escape and hide in the Temple of Vesta, but he was later found and immediately dispatched. The head of Galba was picked up by a soldier who carried it about with his thumb thrust in its mouth, since Galba was bald. The heads of Galba, Titius Vinius, and Piso Licinianus were later fixed on poles and displayed. Galba's head was later sold to a freedman of Patrobius Neronianus who threw it on the spot where Patrobius had been executed at Galba's command. Ultimately Galba's head and torso were recovered by his steward Argivus and buried in Galba's garden along the Via Aurelia.

120 petitions for reward for assisting in the assassination of Galba were given to Otho, and while it's not known what rewards he gave, it is known that when Vitellius found the records he had the 120 put to death as a lesson to anyone who might think of killing an Augustus!

Otho learned from the mistaken severity of Galba's reign and initiated his own reign with a remarkable display of clemency to Galba's supporters. Otho also restored the statues of Nero, reinstated the best of Nero's officials, and executed the worst, including Tigellinus. Even though Nero had been extremely feared and hated among the elite of Rome, he had been popular among the common people, and Otho played to that popularity. He and his brother assumed the consulships, but announced that they would step down on March 1 to allow Pompeius Vopiscus and Verginius Rufus, the popular former commander of the Rhine legions, to take their places for the remainder of the year.

The situation in the provinces was that Vitellius held the allegiance of all of the western provinces including Britain and Spain, which had declared for him after some initial hesitation. All of the African and eastern armies including the three battle-hardened legions of Vespasian in Judaea, and more importantly, the seven legions of Illyricum (Pannonia, Dalmatia, and Moesia) had declared for Otho, largely on the strength of Otho's declaration by the Senate. Otho cemented the loyalty of Vespasian by appointing his brother, Flavius Sabinus, to be Praefect of the City of Rome, commanding the seven urban cohorts. Altogether Otho commanded the allegiance of sixteen legions as opposed to Vitellius' thirteen. Unfortunately for Otho the true balance of power depended more upon geographical distribution than sheer numbers, and the Vitellian legions were much closer at hand than the legions of Syria or Judaea. Italy only housed the Praetorians, the Urban Cohorts, a cohort at Ostia, and much of the Roman fleet. Otho, with the 25,000 ground troops he could muster (including 2,000 gladiators and the grateful newly-formed legion of marines), left Rome on March 14 to blockade northern Italy until reinforcements from Illyricum could arrive. He sent the fleet with a small Praetorian contingent to make a landing in southern Gaul as a diversion to draw off some of Vitellius' approximately 70,000 men.

Vitellius' troops were under the command of Alienus Caecina and Fabius Valens, and they entered Italy by separate paths. Valens took a southern approach and dispatched some of his forces to deal with the Othonian landing. Two small but sharp battles took place, both of which went to the Othonians, but since the numbers engaged were not really significant the situation soon settled into an undeclared armistice between the two forces, which worked against Otho since he could ill-afford to tie up his troops. Caecina meanwhile had entered Italy and unsuccessfully besieged Placentia (Piacenza, Italy) briefly before moving on to Cremona on the Padus (Po) River, suffering an ambush at Locus Castorum along the way. At Cremona he was joined by Valens. Otho's troops drew close to Cremona and awaited for the reinforcements from Illyricum. The advance units from Illyricum had scarcely arrived when Otho, encamped at Brixellum (Brescello, Italy), became impatient and commanded his army near Cremona to engage. The resulting First Battle of Cremona on April 14, 69, was savagely fought, with 40,000 men killed, but despite some scattered successes by the Othonians (including the capture of the eagle of Vitellius' XXI Rapax Legion), the field was won by the Vitellians. The surviving Othonians fell back to Bedriacum (Tornata, Italy - the battle is sometimes known as the First Battle of Bedriacum) and regrouped, but decided to surrender on the following day.

Meanwhile word of the defeat had filtered to Otho at Brixellum, and the first wounded fugitives to appear were reviled by the other troops as cowardly deserters. At that one of the new arrivals fell on his sword at Otho's feet. With that Otho cried out that he would not risk the destruction of any more good and brave men. His attendants tried to reason with him, telling him that the main forces of Illyricum were but a few days away and that even more strength was on its way from the further reaches of his Empire, but Otho would not be moved from his resolve. He endeavored to dissuade any of his men from making any further moves in his behalf, fearing that it would go badly for them when Vitellius found out. He retired for the night, slept from exhaustion, and fell on his sword at dawn on April 16, 69, after a reign of 95 days. He was greatly regretted by his many loyal soldiers, and, regardless of his earlier life, he died nobly to end the slaughter when by continued slaughter he may well have prevailed. He was cremated on a funeral pyre, and several of his loyal soldiers committed suicide as he was burning. He was given a small marble memorial.

Vitellius was still on his way to Italy with a third army when word reached him of the events of Cremona and Brixellum. He continued to Italy via a southern route, moving slowly to enjoy hospitalities along the way, and he arrived at the battle scene nearly forty days later, where many were shocked that he seemed unmoved by the sight of so many still unburied bodies. He inspected the small white marble marker on Otho's tomb, and sarcastically described the humble tomb as worthy of its occupant. He moved on to Rome, entering it on foot in a toga as befitted a statesman rather than on horse in armour as a conqueror. The reprisals on Othos's followers were extremely few, and Vitellius settled into a comfortable life in Rome.

The eastern legions of Syria, Judaea, and Egypt had sullenly taken the oath of loyalty to Vitellius, but were still dissatisfied with their comrades in Germany playing Emperor-makers, and the legions of Illyricum felt let down rather than beaten by the First Battle of Cremona, where only their advance contingents had been able to fight. The XIII Gemina of Pannonia felt particularly resentful since after Cremona they had been forced to build amphitheatres for Caecina at Cremona and Valens at Bononia (Bologna, Italy). The actual incitement to renewed civil war came from C. Licinius Mucianus, the Governor of Syria. Although he at first viewed his neighboring Governor Vespasian as a rival, through mutual friends they gradually formed a friendship, and the childless Mucianus formed a particularly high opinion of Vespasian's oldest son Titus. Mucianus called Vespasian to a meeting at Berytus (Beirut, Lebanon) in June of 69, and there persuaded him to make an attempt for the throne, telling him he could count on the eight legions of Syria, Judaea, and Egypt, as probably the seven legions of Illyricum. Vespasian was persuaded and returned to Judaea.

The plan was first set in motion on July 1, 69 when the legions in Egypt under the Praefect Tiberius Julius Alexander were sworn to allegiance to Vespasian. Vespasian later dated his rule from that day, although his own legions did not swear allegiance until July 3. By the middle of July all of the legions of Syria, Judaea, and Egypt were sworn to Vespasian, as well as some eastern client kings such as the kings of Peraea and Commagne. A war conference was held in Berytus and it was decided that Mucianus would lead the invasion of Italy, Titus would stay in Judaea to continue the Jewish War, and Vespasian would stay safely tucked away in Egypt where he could not only disrupt the food supplies to Rome, but could raise more armies in case disater befell Mucianus.

Mucianus set out for Rome with his own VI Ferrata Legion and 13,000 veterans who had been recalled. The armies of Illyricum took up Vespasian's standard in August, the first being the III Gallica which had recently been a part of the army of Syria. The VIII Augusta and VII Claudiana quickly joined as did the expected XIII Gemina. The deciding factor was when the VII Galbiana with their commander Antonius Primus declared for Vespasian. Antonius was an opportunist who saw a chance for riches and glory because he was the closest to Italy, and thus could strike first. Others counseled waiting for Mucianus, but Antonius won the argument and crossed the Julian Alps in September with less than a full legion!

Vitellius maintained the loyalty of Gaul, Germany, Britain, and Spain and commanded enormous forces still in Italy (four full legions, some calvary, two fleets (at Misenum and Ravenna), the Praetorians (newly reconstituted after Vitellius' victory), and part of a further seven legions). He ordered Caecina northward to crush Antonius, who had stopped at Verona after being reinforced by two legions from Pannonia. Caecina stopped at Ravenna to confer with admiral Lucilius Bassus, then formed a defensive line south of Verona and inexplicably waited while Antonius was being reinforced daily, eventually to the strength of five full legions! The mystery was solved when word came that Lucilius Bassus and the fleet at Ravenna had declared for Vespasian. Caecina, out of jealousy of Valens, had formed a conspiracy with Lucilius Bassus and commanded his troops to hail Vespasian, which they did at first in a daze. However, the V Alaudae soon staged a counter-coup, restored the statues of Vitellius, and arrested Caecina. The disorganized Vitellians fell back to Cremona to join the I Italica and XXI Rapax, and Antonius followed them, pitching camp before Cremona on October 26, 69. On the morning of October 27 Antonius engaged the Vitellians in a battle which became known as the Second Battle of Cremona. Approximately 120,000 troops engaged in a battle which began in the morning, faded in the afternoon, but was renewed in the darkness to last all night. At dawn the III Gallica turned to the sun rising in the east and saluted it, which was their custom formed during their recent service in Syria. The Vitellians thought they were saluting new reinforcing legions and began to fall back to the safety of the walls of Cremona. The plunder-hungry troops of Antonius immediately besieged Cremona with such energy that it fell within the day. It was given over to pillage by the conquering troops for four days before order was restored. The Vitellians lost the equivalent of eight legions at Cremona, the vast bulk of their forces in Italy, although the war was not over because of hope of reinforcements from the western provinces and a reserve of 25,000 men in Italy. Antonius then reorganized his troops and quickly pushed on toward Rome with only a small mobile force.

Vitellius, whose spirit had been crushed by the disaster at Cremona, soon found more misfortune in the south, where the fleet at Misenum (Miseno, Italy) on the Gulf of Cumae (Bay of Naples) revolted. He sent a small force under Claudius Julianus, a former admiral of the fleet at Misenum, to suppress the mutiny, but he joined it upon arrival. Vitellius then sent a slightly larger force of about 6,500 men under his brother Lucius, and in one of the few bright spots for Vitellius, Lucius was able to surprise the rebels and completely crush them. Lucius then sent to Vitellius asking for further instructions on whether to return to Rome or stay and ensure the safety of the south.

Lucius never received a reply because Vitellius was engaged in the final stages of his struggle for Rome. He had sent out his remaining top general, Valens, to sail to Gaul (probably the port of Massalia - Marseilles, France) to organize a relief column. Unfortunately he had been shipwrecked by a storm and taken prisoner by the pursuing forces of Vespasian. He was sent back to Italy, beheaded, and the head was shown to the Vitellian troops at Narnia (Narni, Italy - about forty miles north of Rome) blocking the Via Flaminia, the route the forces of Antonius were using to advance on Rome. The disheartened Vitellians, despairing of any reinforcements, were soon induced to surrender on December 15. Antonius (and apparently also Mucianus who was yet to arrive on the scene) promised Vitellius a luxurious retirement in Campania for an immediate surrender. Vitellius did so, only he signed a treaty with Flavius Sabinus, Vespasian's brother who had been in Rome when the new civil war erupted.

The war was over, and Vespasian's supporters, including senators eager to curry favor, flocked to the house of Flavius Sabinus. Vitellius addressed the people on December 18, informing them of his decision to abdicate, but they would hear nothing of it! Vitellius was forced by his troops and the mob to reclaim the throne. Flavius Sabinus tried to proclaim the sovereignty of Vespasian but was driven by arms to occupy the citadel on the Capitoline Hill. By the end of December 19 the Vitellians had reduced many of the buildings and temples of the Capitoline to cinders and had captured Flavius Sabinus and his party. They were taken to Vitellius who treated them with respect and tried to quiet the crowd, only to have Flavius Sabinus seized and torn to pieces before his very eyes.

Antonius, who was only 35 miles north of Rome, heard of the siege of Flavius Sabinus early on December 19 and resolved to save him. By the time Antonius arrived at Saxa Rubra, only six miles from Rome, he heard that Flavius Sabinus was dead. Although Vitellius attempted to negotiate immediately afterwards, he was informed that the death of Vespasian's brother had put all negotiation out of the realm of possibility.

The final assault on Rome began on December 20 by three columns, and although the Vitellians stoutly defended the city (the Praetorian Camp was the last to fall), by nightfall the city belonged to Vespasian. Vitellius was captured in the palace, paraded naked through town under a hail of insults, and finally killed by the death of many cuts in the Forum at the place where the mangled body of Flavius Sabinus had been thrown only the day before. Vitellius' body was dragged to the Tiber and thrown in. Vitellius' brother Lucius soon surrendered, and although most of his men were spared, he was put to death, as was Vitellius' young son. His daughter was spared and Vespasian treated her well, marrying her into a noble family during his reign. The youngest son of Vespasian, the eighteen-year-old Domitian, who had been in Rome during the civil war and was hidden on the Capitoline Hill during the horrendous events of December 19, emerged to be installed as Caesar at the same time as the Senate officially voted Vespasian the Imperial honors.